Make America Great Again Politics Uva Class
Throughout Donald Trump'due south tumultuous presidential campaign and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, as many as nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the showtime Blackness president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump's political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined every bit a bloodshot longing for the by. Evidence of Trump's appeals to an before time in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2016 presidential entrada through his failed 2020 reelection entrada, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more than coded political rhetoric promising White, working course Americans a return to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).
Some have hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economical welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad calibration, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent characteristic of correct-wing populist political party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the emphasis of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United states, several studies provide strong bear witness of a link between back up for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more so even than voter's feelings of economical threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal assay of police reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the half dozen months following the 2016 presidential ballot (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump'south nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this terminate, in this paper, nosotros present evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion singled-out from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice equally well as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.
The Sociality of Nostalgia
Nostalgia is a more often than not positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Virtually people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and ofttimes structure their nowadays in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including past music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social back up (Sedikides et al., 2008).
The social connectedness part of nostalgia is a primary avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive bear upon, positive self-regard, and social connection (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, of import social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Every bit a result of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one'due south symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative effects of low social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).
Importantly, those who are more probable to experience nostalgia (i.e., those high in personal nostalgia) are also more than motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices confronting outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). 4 studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both breathy and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the cocky.
National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia
The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for ane's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, group-based nostalgia appears to take a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals cocky-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such equally when an individual might feel strong pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling potent pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).
Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—tin can exist experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.g., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Similar individual-level nostalgia, shared memories tin can include notable events, such every bit a special functioning (ring or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (city). However, unlike private-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia can occur in the form of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did non experience, but rather i that was passed down through collective retention (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes as well as an approach-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic retention (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study one). Commonage nostalgia besides can increase grouping-oriented prosociality (eastward.g., willingness to volunteer or donate coin to assist the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Light-green et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective cornball issue increased collective cocky-esteem, which, in plow, increased intentions to volunteer. Other enquiry has found additional ingroup benefits to commonage nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of collective political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).
However, at that place are two sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of collective political activeness was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective cornball retentiveness (vs. an ordinary commonage memory) were more than willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study three). Nonetheless, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increment intergroup contact when individuals tin can experience collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of old Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were jump together prior to division and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more cornball for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the old Yugoslavia (but not control ethnic groups).
National nostalgia is one type of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing as a citizen of a specific land, and is likely to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Just equally personal nostalgia during times of modify and upheaval can facilitate coping (east.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's good onetime days—may increment felt closeness to beau natives during times of national stress or doubt. Still, nostalgic carousal at the national level may exclude other citizens, such equally contempo immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia amidst Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) besides as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This stardom betwixt personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the cocky.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat
The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to i's ingroup past an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial evidence has institute that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one'southward bodily well-existence, and typically include the domains of physical condom, political ability, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one'southward ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to exist elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly unlike, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are singled-out and examined separately in the literature, in that location frequently is overlap between them, especially because the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative ability, realistic and symbolic threats tin can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).
1 salient factor in perceived threat for members of bulk groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more than threat beingness evoked past larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable ready of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the US population was becoming more various (relative to control conditions)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward not-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with unlike intergroup attitudes may be due to unlike levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connection, also has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking 1'due south national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns about 1's grouping-based identity, and may take the beneficial effect of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connectedness (Smeekes et al., 2018). For instance, trait national nostalgia amidst Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns about the future of 1'south land predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Withal, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.g., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may exist threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be especially true for people whose views of the national by are distorted—for instance, when whites in the United States feel a longing for a (whiter and more than homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increment this fright of the time to come, leading to increased prejudice.
With the exception of a subsample of U.s. participants included in the cross-national report of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the Usa. Additionally, no studies accept straight examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of research by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains whatever found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging
Recent piece of work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-wing populist political parties, and in particular its office in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economical or cultural turn down (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders frequently utilize national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the aperture between a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke commonage angst virtually grouping condition (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content assay of speeches past correct-wing populist leaders in Western Europe found consistent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious by" while denigrating the country's nowadays, as well equally themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this aperture between past and nowadays, and b) increasing the land'south strength and opposition to political party opponents would return the nation to its former glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). Past emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that discontinuity, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being past denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).
Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a stiff focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoricone. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan'due south 1980 slogan, "Make America Great Once again," and emphasized claims that the United states had deteriorated from its former status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in part, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened past irresolute racial demographics and cornball for a past, whiter version of the United States. Get out polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, equally White voters were the only racial demographic to back up Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of 20 percent points (CNN, 2016)2. Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important role in voters' pick to back up Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels establish that back up for Trump was nigh strongly predicted past negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White The states citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).
To build upon this enquiry, the aim of our study was to direct examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric as well as increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique role of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. Nosotros thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique part of Blackness Americans in United states of america history and the ever-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the Us, of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (United states Demography Bureau, 2020).
The Current Study
Nosotros examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility to a higher place and across political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 U.s.a. presidential election. We also examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.
Although previous inquiry examined survey information taken effectually the time of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 year afterward the election, allowing united states to meet how our participants felt after President Trump had been in office for some fourth dimension, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Cracking Again" however resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, nearly all of this work has been conducted exterior of the United States; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes too equally study the phenomenon in the The states sociopolitical landscape. In improver, nosotros included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in society to amend examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well every bit to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.
Hypotheses
We tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).
Hypothesis i. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No human relationship was expected to be establish betwixt personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).
Inquiry Question 1. Will White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?
Inquiry Question two. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?
Research Question three. Volition the human relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?
Method
Participants
An a priori ability analysis using K*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a pocket-sized correlation of r = 0.093 with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 US citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female person, and 54.4% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (G = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.4% Contained, 23.4% Republican, and seven.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.
Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 election (Pew Inquiry Middle, 2018); however, nosotros purposefully oversampled Blackness voters for the purposes of achieving advisable statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upward 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 US voters.
Measures
Personal Nostalgia
The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized every bit how frequently participants feel nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included vii items (e.k., "How valuable is nostalgia for y'all?") rated from ane (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on by national nostalgia enquiry (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).
National Nostalgia
The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the basis of one'southward national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to five (Very often) scale. The NNS used in this written report was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)4 to reflect American nationality [e.g., "How ofttimes exercise yous long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].
Positive Attitudes Toward Trump
In terms of political attitudes, nosotros wanted to appraise positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connexion, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits every bit they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This calibration consisted of 16 items (e.g., "Thinking nearly the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Not at all) to five (Extremely) calibration.
Outgroup Threat Perception
The Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (east.yard., of social or economic impairment) of Black individuals. The scale was examined only amid White participants. The measure includes 12 items (e.grand., "African Americans hold too many positions of power and responsibility in this land") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) calibration.
Racial Prejudice
The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to appraise cerebral and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure out consisted of eight items (e.m., "It's actually a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would only try harder they could exist simply equally well off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to four (Strongly agree) scale.
Political Measures
Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from one (Very Liberal) to seven (Very Bourgeois). Participants also chose which political party they about strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They and so responded to the question "How much do y'all feel like we need to 'Make America Dandy Once more'?" on a ane (Not at all) to 7 (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.
Ethnic Identity Salience
The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of cocky. The scale contains such equally "I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each particular was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly concur) calibration.
Demographics
Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.
Procedure
Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey nearly their attitudes toward the by, race, and politics. Afterward indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all report measures and items in the society described to a higher place. All responses were nerveless over a single, one calendar week period in the Fall of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than ii attention cheque items indicated insufficient attention and warranted not-inclusion of that participant's data.
Results
Descriptive statistics and zero-social club correlations are displayed in Table 1. To exam our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the relationship betwixt nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS v. 20 and Hayes' Process macro v.iii (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia information from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still above the target based on the power analysis).
Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations amidst report variables.
Master Hypothesis
We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the means previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step ane of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In footstep 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes in a higher place and across political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −ane.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a pregnant proportion of variance in attitudes above and beyond political orientation, F (2, 189) = 9.90, p < 0.001, RtwoΔ = 0.06.
To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model5, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, indigenous identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model one, Hypothesis one was again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).
Effigy 1. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Annotation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Research Question i
To appraise whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × three (Political Political party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, i = Blackness/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going forrad). Party affiliation was coded as 1 = Republican, ii = Democrat, and 3 = Contained and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this assay, data from participants who did not identify with ane of these 3 major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 West/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 West/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political party affiliation was the only meaning predictor of property positive attitudes toward President Trump, F (2, 228) = 47.73, p < 0.001, fractional η2 = 0.30, with Republicans (Chiliad = 3.94, SD = 1.22) more in favor of the president than their Democratic (M = two.06, SD = ane.26) or Independent (Grand = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no primary issue of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F (ane, 228) = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was in that location an interaction betwixt political party affiliation and participant race, F (2, 228) = 0.05, p = 0.96. Effigy 2 displays these results.
Effigy 2. Relationship betwixt political political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs around the hateful for each subgroup.
To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an of import qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. Nosotros examined whether political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare confronting Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro five. 3.4 (model i). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with five,000 resamples, which indicated a significant higher-lodge interaction issue betwixt political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F (2, 228) = iii.23, p = 0.041, R2Δ = 0.024. An analysis of the uncomplicated slope effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (M = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more than important to them than their White Autonomous [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.nineteen)]; simple slope divergence F (2, 228) = iv.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was found among Blackness/African-American participants; unproblematic slope departure F (2, 228) = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally as important to them as Black participants; One thousand = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.lx, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure 3).
Effigy 3. Racial identity salience among Blackness/African-American and White/European-American participants of unlike political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Annotation. Error bars represent 95% CIs effectually the mean for each subgroup.
Nosotros also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, simply only among White participants; ΔR 2 = 0.03, F (1, 77) = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.eighteen, 70)] and loftier [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.
As a final exam of Research Question i, a second path model (Path Model 2, Figure 4) was compared with Path Model 1 to again examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its human relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, information technology is important to note that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction furnishings (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model two showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = xl.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.096; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in dissimilarity to what was shown in the Procedure model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was non significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and indigenous identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.
Figure iv. Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Research Question ii
We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) also as perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, meet Table i). To farther examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 1) with five,000 resamples. A significant moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting college prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR 2 = 0.05, F (i, 178) = 19.60, p < 0.001. Unproblematic slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure five (McCabe et al., 2018). The human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-significant at depression levels of prejudice (those at least −1 SD beneath the mean of SNS). Notwithstanding, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure 5). Interestingly, this consequence was institute separately for both White [ΔR ii = 0.03, F (ane, 77) = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR 2 = 0.09, F (1, 97) = 17.44, p < 0.001], merely there was no significant three-style interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), so the results in Figure 5 are displayed for all participants.
Effigy 5. Human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display unproblematic slopes at −ii, −ane, 0, +one, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.
Research Question 3
Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated past increased threat sensitivity?
We concluding examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 8) to appraise whether the proposed mediational outcome might differ between European-American and African-American participants. Equally shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a pregnant indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.13, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect upshot did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).
Figure half-dozen. Mediation of national nostalgia human relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.
To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model three (Figure 7) displays the proposed relationships betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the information, χ(ii) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation arbitration model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.xviii, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.ten, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect issue on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect consequence β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.xiv, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.
Effigy vii. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Annotation. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was significant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].
Discussion
In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, as well every bit increased perceived racial threat among White respondents. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was unrelated to back up for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples outside the United States (e.chiliad., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump back up could reflect a strong semantic connection between Trump and its 2016 presidential entrada slogan, it as well may betoken to the appeal of Trump'southward entrada—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the human relationship between national nostalgia and identity.
Our beginning research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We institute partial bear witness for this idea, equally Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, there was no show of a human relationship between race and back up for the President. At first glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump's messaging appealed more often than not to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more than strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified equally either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity equally important as Black participants in our sample. This is notable, every bit it evidences further support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the majority group, White individuals typically are less probable to call up of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).
This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some enquiry suggests that, in the electric current political climate, White Americans may increasingly place with their Whiteness, as a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Notwithstanding, at that place is an issue of causality, every bit these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly past those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central office of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be and then attractive to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes collective identity discontinuity in order to foment anxiety about the state of the country while simultaneously offer a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.
The function of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We plant that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was constitute among both White/EA and Blackness/AA participants, although the lack of a meaning interaction effect may have been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Blackness individuals. These findings align with evidence that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In detail, these findings align with converging show that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, also explains differences betwixt the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may heighten belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "good old days" when 1's group was perceived to be college in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, similar personal nostalgia, may raise feelings of continuity in its own way, by allowing individuals to feel connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of cocky-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries plant that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging but not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little enquiry on collective nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future piece of work should examine these questions via multiple methods, particularly longitudinal and experimental designs, which can place whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced past (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.
Constraint on Generalizability
These data were obtained from a cantankerous-sectional group of US Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, so these results are well-nigh generalizable to American middle-anile populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the Usa, and hereafter analysis of national nostalgia should go on to appraise unlike ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.
Future Directions
These findings heighten the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a want past some to get back in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Future inquiry should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defense against perceived threats to 1's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), equally the majority of national nostalgia inquiry has been at the trait level. Farther work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would let u.s.a. to ameliorate sympathize how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. Nosotros should also continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a office in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The demand for further research in this expanse has grown substantially in contempo years, particularly in lite of events such as those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the US Capitol Building in early on 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.
An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has concluded, the importance of these findings is not constrained simply to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the function of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when considering a multifariousness of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about one'south national grouping identity. Notwithstanding, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas virtually one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America great again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the United states of america because minority groups have accomplished significant advances in civil rights in recent history, and a call to render to a former time may imply a phone call for a return to a quondam and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Future research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amongst various ethnic and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with different histories.
Futurity research might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.chiliad., economic) vs. symbolic (e.grand., social/moral) concerns. Prior enquiry has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, as concerns about immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage feet, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the always-evolving demographic makeup of the United States (as well as many other countries), further work in this expanse should include individuals who identify with other racial groups across White or Black, and should too be expanded to look at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social class, educational activity level, and nation of origin.
Coda
National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such every bit political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the commencement study, to our knowledge, to examine the U.s. political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one's personal past—does non have the same associations with political and group attitudes, and simply moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In dissimilarity, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.
There may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a past that never was; in this case, an America that was not as white as some recollect. Still, these national nostalgic feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.
Information Availability Argument
The datasets presented in this study tin can be found in online repositories. All reported report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open up Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified information and study information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this written report.
Ethics Statement
The studies involving homo participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.
Writer Contributions
AB, Air conditioning, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Air conditioning oversaw data collection and analysis. AB wrote the offset typhoon of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the formulation and pattern of the report and assisted with subsequent revisions.
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed every bit a potential conflict of interest.
Footnotes
one. ^We annotation that intergroup relations were too a salient theme in the 2020 election (due east.m., the role of the Black Lives Affair movement); yet, as our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 election in this paper.
2. ^Though a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was amongst Black voters, who voted in Clinton'south favor past a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to utilize Black voters as a comparison grouping to the Caucasian sample.
3. ^The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, report ii).
4. ^The authors would similar to note that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, as information technology was published just prior to the time this study was developed. However, the decision was made prior to data collection to utilise this validated calibration as a more directly and statistically sound way to measure the construct of national nostalgia.
5. ^Although structural equation models are oftentimes used to model paths amongst composite variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was non large enough to justify inclusion of all private items in the model.
six. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to get inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).
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Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.555667/full
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